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Bush junior is out of touch

The Daily Star

Commentary
Like father, like son: Bush junior is out of touch
Claude Salhani

Former first lady and current junior senator from New York Hillary Rodham Clinton’s much-hyped autobiography, Living History, hit bookstores June 9 with an unprecedented 1 million copies going on sale around the country.

Reading a passage where she describes her opinions of former President George Bush pere and the state of the country, it’s as if history is repeating itself in present-day, post-Iraq war America.

“George H. W. Bush was out of touch with most Americans. Although Bush’s popularity remained astronomical in the aftermath of the Gulf War, I thought his performance on domestic issues, particularly the economy, made him vulnerable. I had realized how unfamiliar President Bush was with many of the problems facing America when I spoke with him at an education summit he had convened of all the governors in Charlottesville, Virginia in September 1989.”

Fourteen years and one Gulf war later, much the same can be said about the state of the country, particularly the economy. The parallels with George Bush junior are indeed striking.

Much like his father, Bush junior has become engrossed with the Middle East, much to the detriment of the domestic economy. Bob Herber refers to Bush in the New York Times (NYT) as the “‘What, me worry?’ president,” in reference to Alfred E. Newman, the juvenile, grinning Mad Magazine character associated with that now famous phrase. Bush, writes Herber, is “having fun with his Top Gun fantasies, (as) the economy remains in the tank (and) finances are sinking to record lows.”

New York today has an official unemployment rate of 9 percent, but the NYT says the real rate is much higher. Applicants to join a metallic union which could lead to potential employment waited three days, with some people sleeping on the sidewalk, in order to get a jump on the long queue.

“In George Bush’s America, jobs get erased like chalk marks on a blackboard. There are currently more than 10.2 million unemployed workers in the US, including 1.4 million who have been discouraged and have stopped looking,” laments Herber, who gives the following depressing statistic: “4.8 million people work only part-time.” The NYT says nearly a quarter of a million jobs have been lost in the past two years. And taxes are going up all the time.

The faltering start-stop-starts in Iraq brought about by the early fiasco of the Jay Garner administration, closely followed by his replacement with J. Paul Bremmer, a more seasoned career diplomat, have had little success in providing security, water and electricity to large portions of the Iraqi public. US soldiers continue to die daily in clashes with Iraqis. Regardless, this does not seem to impact the American electorate, who for the most part, remain oblivious to the daily sufferings of the average Iraqi.

While the “war on terror” continues to preoccupy many Americans, the pending threats of attacks by terrorists acts as a unifying force, preventing the Democrats, or anyone else for that matter, from openly assaulting the Commander-in-Chief. The logic is that it would seem “unpatriotic” to criticize the president in time of crisis. Meanwhile, the country remains in a heightened state of alert, at code orange, the second highest status. Bush’s landing on the deck of an aircraft carrier last May, decked out as a Top Gun flyer, drew limited criticism -- mainly from the aging Democrat Senator Robert Byrd, and that was quickly drowned out.

The recent dual Middle East summits in Sharm el-Sheikh and Aqaba in fact strengthened Bush’s position at home, at least in the interim, and until Middle Eastern realities begin to set in. Bush was portrayed as a weathered politician, engaged in the honorable art of peace-making. Another one of his pet peeves, regime change in the Palestinian territories, appeared to have borne fruit, with Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas taking center-stage as Palestinian President Yasser Arafat was finally sidelined.

By and large, it’s been a pretty good year for Bush. So far, the war in Iraq has been, overall, sort of a success -- at least as far as the American public is concerned. Even though Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass destruction have yet to be found, or the deposed dictator himself for that matter -- not to mention Osama bin Laden or Mullah Omar-- the vast majority of Americans continue to support the president’s war effort. Oh, what short-term memories we have.
As the country rejoiced in the return of its military from one of the longest deployments in decades, in its euphoria and flag waving much of the nation seems to have suddenly suffered amnesia, forgetting why it went to war in the first place. And that, despite a faltering economy. At least Hillary will do nicely given her $8 million advance.

Claude Salhani is foreign editor and a political analyst with United Press International in Washington, DC. He wrote this commentary for the Daily Star.
Copyright -- Daily Starz

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Politics & Policies: Flak vest diplomacy

By Claude Salhani
UPI International Editor

Published 5/17/2005 9:47 AM

AMMAN, Jordan, May 17 (UPI) -- Photographs of U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, wearing body armor and a combat helmet during a surprise visit to Iraq, appeared on the front pages of many of the world's newspapers this past weekend. While Rice had previously visited Iraq, this was her first visit in her capacity as secretary of State.

This is not exactly gunboat diplomacy, but who really needs gunboats when you have 140,000 armed troops backed up by attack helicopters, thousands of tanks and armored vehicles, the world's most powerful air force on call, and, yes, plenty of gunboats too, floating in the nearby Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf.

Having muscle available helps back up your argument when trying to make a point in politics. The question is what is the argument? What would make risking the life of the secretary of State, sending her into a war zone, with or without Kevlar flak vest and helmet?

The answer is to push the Iraqis into decision-making. To convince new Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari to speed up the formation of a working government, and to persuade the country's Sunnis they need to participate more actively in the shaping of the new Iraq. All in all, a process that is taking far too long, much to the displeasure of Washington.

"Sunnis must be represented in this constitutional process because this has to be an Iraq that that works for all Iraqis," Rice said. "That's the only way that everyone is going to see the political path as a way to a better future."

Meanwhile, the insurgency is stepping up efforts to destabilize the country, becoming more active and often, more daring. It has been increasing attacks against the United States and Iraqis, too. The number of attacks has reached a staggering 70 per day, up from about 40-50.

"We are fighting a very tough set of terrorists, who are, it seems, determined to stop the progress of the Iraqi people," Rice said.

The Bush administration would like to see Iraqis make more progress and take control of their own destiny, allowing in turn, U.S. forces to take a backseat in the day-to-day running of security matters in Iraq. A lower U.S. profile also means fewer U.S. casualties. And a stronger Iraqi central government could mean U.S. troops returning home sooner.

But none of this is likely to occur so long as the government in Baghdad remains weak, which it will as long as it does not get Sunni participation, and, incomplete with key positions, such as the minister of Defense, staying vacant.

Some Sunni leaders have indicated, however, their interest in participating in the new government and in drafting the constitution.

Iraqi politicians though appear to be taking their time. Washington is cognizant of the time factor, which could explain why the administration would take the risk of dispatching the secretary of State to the region.

What can Rice accomplish with her Kevlar flak vest diplomacy -- besides good public relations? Well, quite a bit actually.

For one, her visit to the field sends a clear and strong message to the Iraqis that the Bush administration remains committed to seeing security and stability established in Iraq. With its poor track record in maintaining focus in foreign policy issues, the United States can ill-afford to be seen reneging on earlier commitments it made in the Middle East.

Pacifying Iraq is taking far longer than the planners of the war initially intended. With three years left before George W. Bush leaves the White House, time for this administration to leave a positive legacy is beginning to run at a premium. If the insurgency continues along its current pace and if political bickering maintains its current course -- and nothing leads us to believe it should change anytime in the near future -- it could take more than three more years to settle Iraq. History is there to remind us that nothing in the Middle East ever moves at a Western pace.

At this point President Bush needs another major victory in Iraq, such as the capture or elimination of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the elusive terror master of Jordanian origin, who is believed to be responsible for much of the killing, mayhem and terror that has been taking place in Iraq.

Zarqawi's capture or death would demoralize the resistance while at the same time give the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq a much-needed boost, and help bring the Sunnis to the negotiating table.

There were hopes the recent U.S. offensive spearheaded by Marines against insurgents along the Syrian border would enable U.S. forces in Iraq to track down Zarqawi. In fact, one source believed the United States had managed to capture or wound him, and reported that U.S. officials had asked neighboring Jordan for blood and DNA samples.

But that was another false lead in what is turning out to be a long struggle against an elusive enemy.

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(Comments may be sent to Claude@upi.com.)
Copyright © 2001-2005 United Press International

Politics & Policies: Saudi jails reformers

By Claude Salhani
UPI International Editor

WASHINGTON, May 15 (UPI) -- A court in Saudi Arabia has sentenced three prominent constitutional reformers to prison, handing down sentences ranging from six to nine years. The United States, which has been calling on countries of the Middle East to engage in greater political reform, has remained quiet over the ruling.

The reformers were charged with calling for a constitutional monarchy in Saudi Arabia to replace the existing absolute monarchy. The trial was adjourned several times earlier this year on request of the prosecutor who asked for more time to "collect additional evidence" against the three.

Ali al-Domaini was given nine years; Abdallah al-Hamed seven years and Matrouk al-Falih six years, lawyers and relatives said.

At the conclusion of the trial Sunday, Domaini's wife, Fawzia al-Ouni, described the proceedings as "the trial of reform in Saudi Arabia."

Arrested 14 months ago, the three were convicted of "stirring up sedition and disobeying the ruler," al-Ouni said.

The three, along with dozens of others, were arrested March 2004 for organizing petitions urging the kingdom's absolute monarchy shift toward a constitutional model and begin implementing political reforms.

Al-Domaini received two Freedom to Write awards from Pen USA and Pen New England in April and May.

Other reformers in prison include reformer lawyer Abdulrahman al-Lahim, and Mohna al-Faleh both detained without known charge or trial.

Pro-reform advocates are questioning the Bush administration's silence over the matter, which goes counter to the president's desire to see more freedom and reform implemented in the Middle East.

Part of the charges against the reformers included "introducing "Western terminology," according to the Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia.

Ten other reformers, who were also arrested, were released after the Saudi government pressured them into signing affidavits agreeing not to petition or speak publicly about democratic reform, nor to travel outside the country.

The trial of the three accused took on additional significance when they requested court proceedings be open to the media and the public, a right that according to the law should be granted to defendants in the kingdom. However, reports from the kingdom say family members were prevented from attending the court session by order of the judges.

In an earlier statement, the Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia described the detention conditions of the activists as "inhumane."

It claims there were "delaying tactics by the prosecution, and verbal acts of intimidation from the judge."

The democratic reformers have so far stood their ground and have refused to crack under intense Saudi government pressure to give up their demands, the group said.

"When we talk about Ali's trial, we shouldn't talk about it singularly," said al-Ouni. She said it was all of Saudi Arabia that was on trial.

Ali Alyami, the center's director, called on the Bush administration and the U.S. Congress to "stop regarding the Saudi royal family as sacrosanct and start holding them accountable for their violations of human rights.

"Defeating terrorism and eradicating religious extremism and intolerance require a genuine overhaul of Saudi political, social, religious, and economic institutions," said Alyami.

Reform advocates call this "troubling evidence and indicative of the Saudi regime's unwillingness to consider and implement much-needed reforms, like the institution of a written constitution and a bill of rights to protect the people's rights."

The court's grounds for the unwarranted conviction included vaguely defined allegations as "challenging the authority of the ruler," and "giving a chance to the nation's enemies to harm it."

A lawyer for the three recently sentenced indicated they would appeal. However, without any judicial transparency, the fate of the appeal and of the three reformers is uncertain.

"The Saudi regime is determined to stifle reasonable and peaceful voices for reform in the country, and the trial and conviction of these democratic reformers is an important part of the government's strategy to strengthen its control over the country and its captive population," the center said in a statement. "These developments reveal all claims that the Saudi regime intends to embark on a path of meaningful reforms as misleading and unfounded, and underline the need for clear and consistent international pressure on the authoritarian regime to respect human rights and accept genuine democratic change."

Alyami said it was time for the United States to act.

"Surely it is time for the Bush administration and the U.S. Congress to stop regarding the Saudi royal family as sacrosanct and start holding them accountable for their violations of human rights," Alyami said.

The center called on the U.S. government, Congress, the media, and all international human and civil rights organizations to publicly condemn the Saudi government for the sentencing of reformers who wanted to save their country from sliding into religious, political, economic and civil chaos, and to demand their immediate and unconditional release.

"More and more Saudis are demanding transparency," wrote Anthony Cordesman and Nawaf Obaid of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in a Feb. 5 report titled "Saudi Counterterrorism Efforts."

Saudi Arabia is trying to bring about change which, one well-informed intelligence official said "must start with the royal family."

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(Comments may be sent to Claude@upi.com.)
Copyright © 2001-2005 United Press International